【英検1級】2024年1月試験(2023年第3回)の解答解説

ここでは、2024年1月21日(日)に行われた、英検1級試験に出題された英文の参考記事や解答解説を紹介します。

大問1:語彙問題

大問1は解答のみ掲載します。

【大問1の解答】

1:16:211:316:321:2
2:37:112:417:322:2
3:18:213:118:123:2
4:19:414:119:124:4
5:110:115:420:425:1

大問2:長文読解

大問2-1 Primitive Communism 原始共産制

1文目に登場するマルクスから分かるように、共産主義がテーマの文章。

【英文冒頭】

According to the influential political philosopher Karl Marx, the evolution of human civilization began with nomadic bands of hunter-gatherers living in a state that has become known as "primitive communism." In such societies, according to Marx, although people lived hand to mouth, sharing was obligatory and the concept of private property was completely alien. He argued that the advent of agriculture gave rise to societies that were highly prosperous, but in which there was little obligation to distribute resources or wealth to one's fellow citizens.

実用英語検定 1級 2023年度 第3回試験 大問2-1より

タイトルになっている Primitive Communism は「原始共産制」と訳される言葉で、人類史における狩猟採集時代のあらゆるものが共有される社会の状態を指します。

マルクス史観では、社会は以下5つの状態に推移します。その最初が原始共産制です。

  • 原始共産制 → 古代奴隷制 → 封建社会 → 資本主義社会 → 共産主義社会

元ネタ、あるいは限りなく近い英文は以下より読めます。

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At the funeral three days later, Friedrich Engels wasted little time on their 40-year friendship, focusing instead on Marx’s legacy. ‘Just as Darwin discovered the law of development of organic nature,’ Engels said, ‘so Marx discovered the law of development of human history.’ His friend had died ‘beloved, revered and mourned by millions of revolutionary fellow-workers – from the mines of Siberia to California, in all parts of Europe and America … His name will endure through the ages, and so will his work!’ Engels made sure of this. In the following years, he devoted himself to organising and publishing Marx’s ideas. From a mélange of fragments and revisions, he produced the second and third volumes of Das Kapital, in 1885 and 1894 respectively. He meant to publish a fourth but died before he got to it. (It was later published as Theories of Surplus Value.) Still, the most peculiar project born from Marx’s notes was released a year after his death. Engels titled it The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State. I’ll call it The Origin, for short. The Origin is like Yuval Noah Harari’s blockbuster Sapiens (2014) but written by a 19th-century socialist: a sweeping take on the dawn of property, patriarchy, monogamy and materialism. Like many of its contemporaries, it arranged societies on an evolutionary ladder from savagery to barbarism to civilisation. Although wrong in most ways, The Origin was described by a recent historian as ‘among the more important and politically applicable texts in the Marxist canon’, shaping everything from feminist ideology to the divorce policies of Maoist China. Of the text’s legacies, the most popular is primitive communism. The idea goes like this. Once upon a time, private property was unknown. Food went to those in need. Everyone was cared for. Then agriculture arose and, with it, ownership over land, labour and wild resources. The organic community splintered under the weight of competition. The story predates Marx and Engels. The patron saint of capitalism, Adam Smith, proposed something similar, as did the 19th-century American anthropologist Lewis Henry Morgan. Even ancient Buddhist texts described a pre-state society free of property. But The Origin is the idea’s most important codification. It argued for primitive communism, circulated it widely, and welded it to Marxist principles. Today, many writers and academics still treat primitive communism as a historical fact. To take an influential example, the economists Samuel Bowles and Jung-Kyoo Choi have argued for 20 years that property rights coevolved with farming. For them, the question is less whether private property predated farming, but rather why it appeared at that time. In 2017, an article in The Atlantic covering their work asserted plainly: ‘For most of human history, there was no such thing as private property.’ A leading anthropology textbook captures the supposed consensus when it states: ‘The concept of private property is far from universal and tends to occur only in complex societies with social inequality.’ Historical narratives matter. In his bestseller Humankind (2019), Rutger Bregman took the fact that ‘our ancestors had scarcely any notion of private property’ as evidence of fundamental human goodness. In Civilized to Death (2019), Christopher Ryan wrote that pre-agricultural societies were defined by ‘obligatory sharing of minimal property, open access to the necessities of life, and a sense of gratitude toward an environment that provided what was needed.’ As a result, he concluded: ‘The future I imagine (on a good day) looks a lot like the world inhabited by our ancestors…’ Primitive communism is appealing. It endorses an Edenic image of humanity, one in which modernity has corrupted our natural goodness. But this is precisely why we should question it. If a century and a half of research on humanity has taught us anything, it is to be sceptical of the seductive. From race science to the noble savage, the history of anthropology is cluttered with the corpses of convenient stories, of narratives that misrepresent human diversity to advance ideological aims. Is primitive communism any different? According to the Aché, former hunter-gatherers living in Paraguay, they first met Kim Hill when he was a child. They adopted him, raised him, and taught him their language. Hill, however, remembers their first encounter differently. It was Christmas of 1977. He was 24 years old. He had persuaded the Peace Corps to fly him out to a Catholic mission with newly contacted hunter-gatherers. A priest welcomed Hill, but ‘he had a lot of duties across the border in Brazil,’ Hill told me. ‘So he drove me into the mission, dropped me off, and said “Here’s the keys to my house.”’ Then the priest left for two weeks. Thus began ‘the most exciting, fun adventure I could imagine’. The Aché that Hill first met had recently been contacted and settled at the mission. They didn’t know how to farm, so they regularly packed up and headed to the forest, sometimes for weeks at a time. The priest warned Hill not to join them. ‘He said: “You don’t have enough skills – it’s really rough – they’re going to walk really far – you won’t be able to eat the food” – blah blah blah.’ So, ‘of course, the first thing I did was ignore his advice completely.’ The first trip was tough. The Aché didn’t have clothes, so Hill went barefoot and wore nothing but gym shorts. The forest shredded his feet. Vines and spiny plants lacerated his legs. He later wrote in his diary: ‘I have seen my blood every single day for the past month.’ At night, the Aché slept on the ground. Struggling to keep warm, children crawled on Hill, making it hard to catch more than 10 minutes of sleep. He enjoyed hunted meat, but he was less prepared for the hundreds of fat palm larvae sitting between him and starvation. Men were forbidden from eating meat they’d acquired. Their wives and children got no more than anyone else It was on that first trip that Hill saw the Aché share their meat. A man returning from a hunt dropped an animal in the middle of camp. Another person, the butcher, prepared piles for each family. A third person distributed. ‘At the time, it seemed kind of logical to me,’ Hill said. The scene reminded him of a family barbecue where everyone gets a plate. Yet the more he lived among the Aché, the more astonishing food-sharing seemed. Men were forbidden from eating meat they’d acquired. Their wives and children received no more than anyone else. When he later built detailed genealogies, he discovered that, contrary to his expectations, bandmates were often unrelated. Most importantly, food-sharing didn’t just happen on special days. It was a daily occurrence, a psychological and economic centrepiece of Aché society. What he started to see, in other words, was ‘almost pure economic communalism – and I really didn’t think that was possible.’ Hill’s first trip to Paraguay got him hooked on anthropology. After the Peace Corps, he returned to the United States and wrote a PhD thesis on Aché foraging. Now, four decades later, he is professor of anthropology at Arizona State University and renowned for his work on hunter-gatherers and remote peoples. According to his CV, he has spent 190 months – nearly 16 years – conducting fieldwork. Not all of that has been with the Aché. In 1985, he started working with another group, the Hiwi of Venezuela. He didn’t expect dramatic differences from the Aché. The Hiwi, too, were hunter-gatherers. The Hiwi, too, lived in lowland South America. Yet Hiwi society felt like a new world. The Aché lived in mobile bands of 20 to 30 people. The Hiwi lived in villages of more than 100 people for most of the year. The Aché neither did drugs nor danced. The Hiwi snorted hallucinogens and had tribal dances near-daily. The Aché spent most of each day strenuously getting food. The Hiwi foraged for barely a couple hours, preferring to relax in hammocks. The Aché divorced constantly. The Hiwi, virtually never. Then, there was food-sharing. In the primitive communism of the Aché, hunters had little control over distributions: they couldn’t favour their families, and food flowed according to need. None of these applied to the Hiwi. When meat came into a Hiwi village, the hunter’s family kept a larger batch for themselves, distributing shares to a measly three of 36 other families. In other words, as Hill and his colleagues wrote in 2000 in the journal Human Ecology, ‘most Hiwi families receive nothing when a food resource is brought into the village.’ By exercising control over distributions, hunters convert meat into relationships Hiwi sharing tells us something important about primitive communism: hunter-gatherers are diverse. Most have been less communistic than the Aché. When we survey forager societies, for instance, we find that hunters in many communities enjoyed special rights. They kept trophies. They consumed organs and marrow before sharing. They received the tastiest parts and exclusive rights to a killed animal’s offspring. The most important privilege hunters enjoyed was selecting who gets meat. Selective sharing is powerful. It extends a bond between giver and recipient that the giver can pull on when they are in need. Refusing to share, meanwhile, is a rejection of friendship, an expression of ill will. When the anthropologist Richard Lee lived among the Kalahari !Kung, he noticed that a hunter named N!eisi once ignored his sister’s husband while passing out warthog meat. When asked why, N!eisi replied harshly: ‘This one I want to eat with my friends.’ N!eisi’s brother-in-law took the hint and, three days later, left camp with his wives and children. By exercising control over distributions, hunters convert meat into relationships. To own something, we say, means excluding others from enjoying its benefits. I own an apple when I can eat it and you cannot. You own a toothbrush when you can use it and I cannot. Hunters’ special privileges shifted property rights along a continuum from fully public to fully private. The more benefits they could monopolise – from trophies to organs to social capital – the more they could be said to own their meat. Compared with the Aché, many mobile, band-living foragers lay closer to the private end of the property continuum. Agta hunters in the Philippines set aside meat to trade with farmers. Meat brought in by a solitary Efe hunter in Central Africa was ‘entirely his to allocate’. And among the Sirionó, an Amazonian people who speak a language closely related to the Aché, people could do little about food-hoarding ‘except to go out and look for their own’. Aché sharing might embody primitive communism. Yet, Hill admits, ‘the Aché are probably the extreme case.’ Hunters’ privileges are inconvenient for narratives about primitive communism. More damning, however, is a starker, simpler fact. All hunter-gatherers had private property, even the Aché. Individual Aché owned bows, arrows, axes and cooking implements. Women owned the fruit they collected. Even meat became private property as it was handed out. Hill explained: ‘If I set my armadillo leg on [a fern leaf] and went out for a minute to take a pee in the forest and came back and somebody took it? Yeah, that was stealing.’ Some proponents of primitive communism concede that foragers owned small trinkets but insist they didn’t own wild resources. But this too is mistaken. Shoshone families owned eagle nests. Bearlake Athabaskans owned beaver dens and fishing sites. Especially common is the ownership of trees. When an Andaman Islander man stumbled upon a tree suitable for making canoes, he told his group mates about it. From then, it was his and his alone. Similar rules existed among the Deg Hit’an of Alaska, the Northern Paiute of the Great Basin, and the Enlhet of the arid Paraguayan plains. In fact, by one economist ’s estimate, more than 70 per cent of hunter-gatherer societies recognised private ownership over land or trees. The respect for property rights is clearest when someone violates them. To appreciate this, consider the Mbuti, one of the short-statured (‘pygmy’) hunter-gatherers of Central Africa. The Ute of Colorado whipped thieves. The Ainu of Japan sliced their earlobes off Much of what we know about Mbuti society comes from Colin Turnbull, a British-American anthropologist who stayed with them in the late 1950s. Turnbull was kind, strong and courageous. From 1959 until his death, he lived in an openly gay, interracial relationship, eventually resigning from the American Museum of Natural History under charges of discrimination against him and his partner. He spent his later years campaigning for death row inmates and, upon his death, donated his entire estate and savings to the United Negro College Fund. ‘Throughout his life,’ wrote a biographer, ‘Turnbull was motivated by a deep-seated wish to find goodness, beauty and power in the oppressed or ridiculed and, by making those qualities known to the world, reveal the evils of Western civilisation.’ For some, these motivations clouded Turnbull’s descriptions of the Mbuti. He has been criticised for painting an ‘idealised picture’ of the Mbuti as ‘simple and childlike creatures’ living ‘a romantic and harmonious life in the bountiful rain forest.’ Yet, even if he did idealise, his writings still undermine claims of primitive communism. He described a society in which theft was prohibited, and where even the most desperate members suffered for violating property rights. Take, for instance, Pepei, a Mbuti man who in 1958 was 19 years old and still unmarried. Unlike most bachelors, who slept next to the fire, Pepei lived in a hut with his younger brother. But instead of collecting building materials, he swiped them. He snuck around at night, plucking a leaf from this hut and a sapling from that. He also filched food. He was an orphan after all, and a bachelor, so he had few people to help him prepare meals. When food mysteriously disappeared, Pepei always claimed to have seen a dog snatch it. ‘Nobody really minded Pepei’s stealing,’ wrote Turnbull, ‘because he was a born comic and a great storyteller. But he had gone too far in stealing from old Sau.’ Old Sau was a skinny, feisty widow. She lived a couple of huts down from Pepei, and one night caught him skulking around in her hut. As he lifted the lid of a pot, she smacked him with a pestle, grabbed his arm, twisted it behind his back, and shoved him into the open. Justice was brutal. Men ran out and held Pepei, while youths broke off thorny branches and thrashed him. Eventually Pepei broke away and ran into the forest crying. After 24 hours, he returned to camp and went straight to his hut unseen. ‘His hut was between mine and Sau’s,’ wrote Turnbull, ‘and I heard him come in, and I heard him crying softly because even his brother wouldn’t speak to him.’ Other foragers punished stealing, too. The Ute of Colorado whipped thieves. The Ainu of Japan sliced their earlobes off. For the Yaghan of Tierra del Fuego, accusing someone of robbery was a ‘deadly insult’. Lorna Marshall, who spent years living with the Kalahari !Kung, reported that a man was once killed for taking honey. Through violence towards offenders, foragers reified private property. Is primitive communism another seductive but incorrect anthropological myth? On the one hand, no hunter-gatherer society lacked private property. And although they all shared food, most balanced sharing with special rights. On the other hand, living in a society like the Aché’s was a masterclass in reallocation. It’s hard to imagine farmers engaging in need-based redistribution on that scale. Whatever we call it, the sharing economy that Hill observed with the Aché does not reflect some lost Edenic goodness. Rather, it sprang from a simpler source: interdependence. Aché families relied on each other for survival. We share with you today so that you can share with us next week, or when we get sick, or when we are pregnant. Hill once saw a man fall from a tree and break his hip. ‘He couldn’t walk for three months, and in those three months, he produced zero food,’ Hill said. ‘And you would think that he would have starved to death and his family would have starved to death. But, of course, nothing happened like that, because everybody provisioned him the whole time.’ This is partly about reciprocity. But it’s also about something deeper. When people are locked in networks of interdependence, they become invested in each other’s welfare. If I rely on three other families to keep me alive and get me food when I cannot, then not only do I want to maintain bonds with them – I also want them to be healthy and strong and capable. Interdependence might seem enviable. Yet it begets a cruelty often overlooked in talk about primitive communism. When a person goes from a lifeline to a long-term burden, reasons to keep them alive can vanish. In their book Aché Life History (1996), Hill and the anthropologist Ana Magdalena Hurtado listed many Aché people who were killed, abandoned or buried alive: widows, sick people, a blind woman, an infant born too soon, a boy with a paralysed hand, a child who was ‘funny looking’, a girl with bad haemorrhoids. Such opportunism suffuses all social interactions. But it is acute for foragers living at the edge of subsistence, for whom cooperation is essential and wasted efforts can be fatal. Once that need to survive dissipated, even friends could become disposable Consider, for example, how the Aché treated orphans. ‘We really hate orphans,’ said an Aché person in 1978. Another Aché person was recorded after seeing jaguar tracks: Don’t cry now. Are you crying because you want your mother to die? Do you want to be buried with your dead mother? Do you want to be thrown in the grave with your mother and stepped on until your excrement comes out? Your mother is going to die if you keep crying. When you are an orphan nobody will ever take care of you again.The Aché had among the highest infanticide and child homicide rates ever reported. Of children born in the forest, 14 per cent of boys and 23 per cent of girls were killed before the age of 10, nearly all of them orphans. An infant who lost their mother during the first year of life was always killed. (Since acculturation, many Aché have regretted killing children and infants. In Aché Life History, Hill and Hurtado reported an interview with a man who strangled a 13-year-old girl nearly 20 years earlier. He ‘asked for our forgiveness’, they wrote, ‘and acknowledged that he never should have carried out the task and simply “wasn’t thinking”.’) Hunter-gatherers shared because they had to. They put food into their bandmates’ stomachs because their survival depended on it. But once that need dissipated, even friends could become disposable. The popularity of the idea of primitive communism, especially in the face of contradictory evidence, tells us something important about why narratives succeed. Primitive communism may misrepresent forager societies. But it is simple, and it accords with widespread beliefs about the arc of human history. If we assume that societies went from small to big, or from egalitarian to despotic, then it makes sense that they transitioned from property-less harmony to selfish competition, too. Even if the facts of primitive communism are off, the story feels right. More important than its simplicity and narrative resonance, however, is primitive communism’s political expediency. For anyone hoping to critique existing institutions, primitive communism conveniently casts modern society as a perversion of a more prosocial human nature. Yet this storytelling is counterproductive. By drawing a contrast between an angelic past and our greedy present, primitive communism blinds us to the true determinants of trust, freedom and equity. If we want to build better societies, the way forward is neither to live as hunter-gatherers nor to bang the drum of a make-believe state of nature. Rather, it is to work with humans as they are, warts and all. 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Marx’s idea that societies were naturally egalitarian and communal before farming is widely influential and quite wrong

  • タイトル:Primitive communism / 原始共産制
  • サブタイトル:Marx’s idea that societies were naturally egalitarian and communal before farming is widely influential and quite wrong / 農耕以前の社会は元々平等主義的で共同体的であったというマルクスの考え方は、広く影響を及ぼしているが、全くの誤りである。
  • 時期:2022年4月
  • 著者:Manvir Singh

サブタイトルの「マルクスの考えは全く間違っている」から分かるように、実際の問題でも最終的にはマルクスの原始共産制を否定する内容でした。

ちなみに、英文中に登場するパラグアイのアチェ族は、サピエンス全史にも登場します。

そこでは、理想的な共同体である一方、理想状態を維持するために弱者(老人や障害を持った子ども)を殺す種族として紹介されていました。

【大問2-1の解答】

  • 26:4
  • 27:2
  • 28:1

大問2-2 The passage of Time 歳月を経る

"歳を重ねると1年早い"

そんなあるあるに対する、一つの説を説明する英文でした。

【英文冒頭】

Older adults generally feel time seems to pass more quickly with age. While a cause of this phenomenon has not yet been identified, Duke University researcher Adrian Bean believes it relates to how the brain processes images.

実用英語検定 1級 2023年度 第3回試験 大問2-2より

元ネタ、あるいは限りなく近い英文は、デイビッド・ハミルトンの以下の記事より読むことができます。

Why time speeds up as you age - David R Hamilton PHD

As children, the last few days before Christmas or a birthday drag on, yet as adults, come November, we're counting the weeks to Christmas and can't …

  • タイトル:Why time speeds up as you age /なぜ時を重ねると時間が早まるのか
  • 時期:2022年5月
  • 著者:David Hamilton

【大問2-2の解答】

  • 29:3
  • 30:1
  • 31:1

大問3:長文読解

大問3-1 The Battle for Bankruptcy 連邦破産法をめぐる争い

アメリカの破産法の歴史がテーマの英文。

【英文冒頭】

Although national bankruptcy laws are taken for granted in the United States today, they were a controversial topic during the nation's formative years. Founding fathers Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton held opposing views on the subject, with Hamilton arguing that a national bankruptcy system giving precedence to the rights of creditors was essential in ensuring a shift from agriculture to commerce.

実用英語検定 1級 2023年度 第3回試験 大問3-1より

冒頭は、連邦派のアレキサンダー=ハミルトンと、反連邦派トマス=ジェファソンの論争からスタート。

今の価値観で言えば、州をまたぐ法律を制定しようとしたハミルトンが革新派で、ジェファソンが保守的なイメージです。世界史の知識があると少し有利な内容でした。

ちなみにジェファソンといえば、奴隷制度を批判しながら自身は大量の奴隷を所有していたことで有名な大統領です。さまざまな書籍で言及されているので、名前だけは知っていた方は多いかもしれません。

破産法という大テーマで資料は膨大だったため、元ネタになり得る文献を絞りきることはできませんでした。

その中から、米国破産法の歴史について書かれた以下が文章が興味深かったので、参考文献としておきます。

  • タイトル:A New Understanding of the Bankruptcy Clause
  • 時期:2013年
  • 著者:Stephen J. Lubben

上記のp340以降が該当箇所です。

紙で読みたい方は、同著者の本もありますのでご参照下さい。

【大問3-1の解答】

  • 32:4
  • 33:2
  • 34:3

大問3-1全訳

以下、大問3-1本文のざっくり和訳です。

連邦破産法をめぐる争い

今日、国家破産法は米国では当然のものとされているが、国家形成期には論争の的となった。建国の父であるトーマス・ジェファーソンとアレクサンダー・ハミルトンは、このテーマについて対立する見解を持ち、ハミルトンは、農業から商業への移行を確実にするためには、債権者の権利を優先する国家破産制度が不可欠であると主張した。結局のところ、彼は、債務者が債務不履行に陥った場合に債権者が少なくとも部分的に弁済を受けられるという法的保証がなければ、誰がまともな心で新しい事業に資本を投入するだろうか、と主張した。しかしジェットファーソンは、破産法は州の権利を踏みにじり、農民の財政に壊滅的な打撃を与えた長期干ばつなどの不運な時に、略奪的な債権者が債務者の資産を差し押さえることを可能にする悪質な制度であると考えた。1790年代の金融危機の後、ハミルトンの主張が優勢となり、1800年の破産法が成立したが、3年後に汚職疑惑とジェファーソンの当選によって廃止され、覆された。

さらなる金融危機の後、1841年と1867年に国家破産法が制定されたが、景気回復と法律の施行に対する不満から、急速に廃止が進んだ。このため、1800年代の大半は、破産は州政府の手に委ねられていた。しかし、州によって破産法の規制が異なり、その施行も緩かったため、多くの債務者は債権者が法的手段を持たない州へ逃亡することになった。さらに、投資家や商人は、他の州に住む債権者よりも地元の債権者の弁済を優先する州の規制を非難した。1800年代後半になると、商業が農業の優位を奪ったことは明らかであり、これに州法の制限が加わると、国家破産法の提唱者が優位に立つことになった。

しかし、企業に関しては論争が絶えなかった。1800年代初頭、アメリカの公共生活の中で重要性を増した企業は、有料道路や鉄道などの公共事業であることが多く、資金調達のために莫大な資本支出を必要とした。その破綻は壊滅的な経済的影響をもたらす可能性があったが、既存の州破産法には、州をまたがる大規模な破産を処理する仕組みが欠けていた。合衆国憲法は、連邦破産法を制定する権限を連邦議会に与えているため、現代のアメリカ人にとっては、このジレンマに対する明白な解決策に思えるだろう。1800年代半ば、ヘンリー・クレイのような政治家は、企業の設立には州の認可が必要であり、州法で認められた免除や特権が関係することが多いため、「企業はいつ設立するのが最善か、廃止するのが最善かは州が知っている」と主張した。しかし、企業が多様化し、州の規制から切り離されるようになると、こうした主張はますます時代遅れになった。1898年に金融危機が再燃し、破産法が制定されたとき、政治的・法律的な風向きは十分に変化し、破産した企業に対する措置を長期的な法案に盛り込むことへの反対を押し切ることができた。この法律は、今日アメリカ人が慣れ親しんでいる多くの破産保護と義務の基礎を形成した。

大問3-2 Epigenetics 後成遺伝学 - 或いはDNAの塩基配列の変化なしに起こる変異

大問3-2のタイトルは"Epigenetics"、寡聞にして初めて知る言葉でした。

エピジェネティクスとは後成遺伝学とも呼ばれる分野で、DNAの塩基配列の変化なしに変異を発生させることをテーマとしています。

【英文冒頭】

Discussions of evolution and DNA often focus on the role of spontaneous mutations that can alter an organism's genetic code. These alterations can cause organisms to acquire what are known as adaptive traits, such as camouflage that helps animals to avoid predators, and they play a significant role in determining an organism's chances of passing on its genes to offspring. It is also true, however, that while random alterations in organisms' genomes do sometimes influence them to, develop adaptations, mutation rates alone are insufficient to account for the rapidity with which such adaptations arise.

実用英語検定 1級 2023年度 第3回試験 大問3-2より

通常、生物の変化は何世代にも渡り時間をかけて行われます。しかし、エピジェネティクスでは、たった1代で次世代にも残る変化を起こせるとか。

まずは日本語でざっくり内容把握したい方は、NHKに良い記事があったので、そちらをご参照ください。

シリーズ 人体Ⅱ遺伝子 第2集 “DNAスイッチ”が運命を変える - NHKスペシャル - NHK

DNAにある、いわば「スイッチ」のような部分が、大注目されている。その切り替えによって遺伝子の働きががらりと変化し、人生そのものまで変わるという。がんを防いだ…

大問3-1とは異なり、かなり専門的な分野なので、段落に分けて参考文献を紹介します。

第2段落:コンラッド・H・ウォディントンのコバエの実験

第2段落ではイギリスの発生生物学者、コンラッド・H・ウォディントンのコバエ実験が引用されます。

それについては、以下の記事をご参照下さい。

Revisiting Waddington: A new explanation for an old experiment – Genes to Genomes

In the 1940s, C. H. Waddington discovered a peculiar phenomenon in fruit flies: traits could appear in response to environmental stress in an individual’s life…

本文にも登場するfruit flyはミバエと訳していますが、日本でいう"コバエ"や"ショウジョウバエ"に該当するみたいです。

第3段落:マウスを使った老化実験

第3段落では、マウスを使った老化実験が登場します。

それに関しては、ハーバード大学メディカル・スクールのこちらの記事をご参照ください。

付属の動画を見ると、よりイメージが湧きやすいと思います。

Loss of Epigenetic Information Can Drive Aging, Restoration Can Reverse It | Harvard Medical School

Study implicates changes to way DNA is organized, regulated rather than changes to genetic code

【大問3-2の解答】

  • 35:4
  • 36:2
  • 37:1

大問3-2全訳

最後に、大問3-2本文のざっくり和訳です。

後成遺伝学

進化とDNAに関する議論では、しばしば生物の遺伝暗号を変化させる自然突然変異の役割に焦点が当てられる。このような変化は、動物が捕食者を避けるのに役立つカモフラージュのような、適応形質として知られるものを生物に獲得させる可能性があり、また生物の遺伝子が子孫に受け継がれる可能性を決定する上で重要な役割を果たしている。しかし、生物のゲノムのランダムな変化が、適応の発達に影響を与えることがある一方で、突然変異率だけでは、そのような適応が急速に生じることを説明するには不十分であることも事実である。様々な補足説明が存在するが、その中でもエピジェネティクスという分野が近年注目を集めている。エピジェネティクスとは、遺伝子の活性化や不活性化に影響を与えるが、生物のDNA配列そのものには変化を与えない改変を指す。エピジェネティクスが特に注目されるのは、遺伝暗号の変化が何千年もかけて徐々に蓄積されていくのとは対照的に、エピジェネティックな変化は環境や行動の引き金に反応して驚くほど迅速に起こりうるからである。

エピジェネティックな変化は1940年代に発見された。生物学者コンラッド・ワディントンが、未熟なミバエを高温や化学薬品にさらす実験を行ったところ、遺伝子が羽の形成に及ぼす影響に大きな変化が見られたのだ。驚くべきことに、刺激にさらされたハエだけでなく、その子孫にもこのような変化が見られた。それ以来、エピジェネティックな変化の根底にあるメカニズムの解明が進んでいる。その顕著な例のひとつが、メタン分子がDNAに結合するメチル化である。メチル化は個々の遺伝子をオン・オフさせ、その遺伝子に影響されるタンパク質の産生を制御する。ミバエの場合と同様、メチル化によって生じた変化は持続する可能性がある。このことは、飢饉を経験した個人だけでなく、その子孫も糖尿病や肥満に罹患する可能性が統計的に高いという研究によって、さらに証明されている。

エピジェネティックな変化がもたらす最も重大な影響のひとつは、老化に関連しているようだ。ある実験では、老化をシミュレートするために、太陽光や酸素への暴露などの影響を模倣して、マウスのDNAに繰り返し切り込みを入れた。初期の段階では、遺伝子を制御するエピジェネティック・タンパク質が切断部位に移動し、DNAを修復した。しかし、実験が進むにつれ、タンパク質は元の場所に戻らなくなった。エピジェネティック・タンパク質が分散し、細胞の機能を制御する能力が低下した結果、マウスに老化の兆候が現れ始めたのである。研究者たちは、遺伝子そのものに変化を与えないように注意深く切断を行ったので、これは、老化を促進するのは遺伝子の突然変異ではなく、遺伝子間の無秩序が原因であることを示す。しかし、有望なことに、研究者たちは、新しい遺伝子をマウスに投与する治療法によって、エピジェネティックな変化が逆転し、老化の影響も元に戻ることを発見した。エピジェネティック・タンパク質の拡散を制限することは、DNAの突然変異を元に戻すことよりも困難な作業ではない。そのため、エピジェネティック・タンパク質の操作は老化の治療法として大きな可能性を秘めている。

大問3-3 England's Poor Laws 英国救貧法の歴史

長めの英文が来る大問3-3。今回は815語でした。

テーマはイギリスの福祉政策である救貧法。エリザベス救貧法として、国家が行った初の福祉政策としても有名です。

【英文冒頭】

In medieval times, England's impoverished peasants mainly left to survive on their were own without aid from the state. While the church provided a degree of relief to those living in poverty, it was generally taken for granted that a spike in food prices would also lead to a spike in mortality rates. Later, as Britain began to leave the medieval way of life behind, population growth started to outpace economic expansion, and changes in the agricultural system increased unemployment, causing poverty rates to skyrocket.

実用英語検定 1級 2023年度 第3回試験 大問3-3より

専門的な最新研究というより、どちらかと言えば定番の内容で、世界史や政治経済の知識があれば解きやすい問題でした。そのため、特定の元ネタはありません。

イギリスの救貧法の歴史について知りたい方は、こちらのサイトがオススメです。

経済学者マルサス

救貧法の反対論じゃとして、経済学者のマルサスが登場します。

こちらも有名な経済学者で、歴史や政治経済では「人口論」の著者として覚えます。彼の主張は「マルサスの罠」として知られています。

マルサスの罠

「幾何級数的に増加する人口と算術級数的に増加する食糧の差により人口過剰と貧困が発生するのは必然であり、社会制度の改良では回避できない」

難しい言葉ですが、簡単に言ってしまうと「食料生産量 <<<人口増加量だからヤバい」といった主張です。

【大問3-3の解答】

  • 38:3
  • 39:1
  • 40:4
  • 41:2

大問3-3全訳

最後にざっくり和訳をどうぞ

英国の救貧法

中世のイングランドでは、貧困にあえぐ農民は、国からの援助なしに自力で生きていくのが主だった。教会は貧困にあえぐ人々をある程度救済したが、食料価格の高騰が死亡率の急上昇につながることは一般に当然視されていた。その後、イギリスが中世の生活様式から脱却し始めると、人口増加が経済拡大を上回るようになり、農業システムの変化によって失業が増加し、貧困率が急上昇した。

16世紀後半、悲惨な収穫が食糧暴動を引き起こし、住宅価格の高騰が破滅的な負債につながったことで、事態は頭打ちとなった。イングランドの支配階級のエリートの中には、農民の苦難に同情する者もいたが、大多数の貴族にとっては、不安の症状は革命と無政府状態の恐ろしい前兆と見なされた。この支配階級の考え方の急激な変化が、1601年のエリザベス救貧法に影響を与えた。

この法律により、イングランド史上初めて、国家には社会的弱者に対する義務があることが認められた。地方自治体には、貧しい人々のための施設を提供するために増税する権限が与えられ、小教区として知られる地区に基づいて責任地域が設けられた。このため、貧困救済の運営方法は非常に多様化した。地方公務員は小教区の住民にどう対応するかについて大きな裁量権を持っていたため、小教区によっては、困窮した市民が良識と人道をもって扱われることもあれば、自分たちの利益のためだけに制度を利用しようとする腐敗した役人に直面することもあった。

政府の救済を受ける人々は、高齢者や身体障害者などの「値する貧困者」と、健常な乞食などの「値しない貧困者」に分類された。恵まれるべき貧困層は、必要な経済的支援を受けることができたが、恵まれない貧困層は、社会に寄生する怠け者として断罪され、ワークハウスと呼ばれる施設に入れられ、そこで強制労働をさせられたり、投獄されたりもした。このような不幸で誤った失業の概念は、もちろん、金融サイクルや需要と供給といった、失業などに影響を与える基本的な経済原則を完全に無視した結果の産物だった。

救貧法は、識字率や病気といった貧困の根本的な原因に対処しようとする試みすらまったく怠っていたが、さまざまな非常に有益な影響を及ぼした。まず第一に、全国的な飢饉と飢餓を大幅に減少させた。さらに、この画期的な改革は、いわゆる労働力の流動性を高める効果もあった。つまり、貧困にあえぐ老親を支える人々の負担を軽減することで、働き盛りの大人が経済的機会の多い都市部に移住することを可能にしたのである。労働移動とその結果としての都市化は、産業革命の発展に不可欠なものであり、貧困にあえぐ農耕社会から工業化された都市社会へと変貌を遂げたイングランドが繁栄を享受する上で、救貧法が重要な役割を果たしたと主張することができる。

しかし、次第に、貧困法は不合理な財政支出を要求し、貧困層の間に政府からの配給への依存を生み出し、労働市場に悪影響を及ぼしているという一般的な意見が生まれた。影響力のある学者トマス・マルサスは、救貧法には崇高な意図があったが、非現実的だったと主張した。マルサスは、かつては貧困層が家庭を持つことを妨げていたが、政府から救済を受けられることが保証されたことで、子供を持つことが奨励され、その子供は成長し、福祉制度にとってさらに大きな負担となったと主張した。マルサスは、法律が「維持する貧困者を生み出す」と主張した。この考えと、貧しいのは教育の欠如や、より恵まれた市民と同じ機会を得られなかった結果ではなく、道徳的な欠点であるという認識が相まって、多くの人々が救貧法の廃止や改革を求めるようになった。

その結果、1834年に救貧法改正法が成立した。法の運用は標準化され、どの教区の人々も比較的平等に扱われるようになったが、市民の貧困生活を抑止できると考えられるようになったため、制度は信じられないほど過酷なものとなった。ワークハウスは数を増やし、その中の環境は意図的にひどいものにされた。親は子から引き離され、食事はひどく不十分で、すべての入所者はひどい環境での過酷な労働を強いられた。救貧法は、貧困層の福祉を提供する比較的啓蒙的で進歩的な試みから、彼らの苦しみを増大させるだけの過酷で抑圧的な制度へと変貌した。時間の経過とともに状況は徐々に改善されたものの、ワークハウスと貧困法は20世紀まで存続した。

大問4:英作文

今回は「人類の問題を解決するために科学に頼るべきか?」という問いに200~240語程度で答える問題でした。

解答例はご参考まで。

解答例①

    Science has been a trustworthy friend in our modern world, helping solve some big problems humanity faces. That's why I think we should count on science to deal with these challenges. Here are three reasons why.

    Firstly, science relies on evidence and real data to understand problems and find solutions. Following the scientific method means using facts to figure out what works best, instead of just guessing or going with our gut feelings.

    Secondly, science encourages new ideas and tackles tough problems. For example, breakthroughs in medicine and clean energy show how science can bring about big changes. Embracing these new ideas helps us fight issues like climate change, sickness, and poverty, and gives us clear ways to make progress.

    Thirdly, science helps us adapt and keep moving forward by encouraging us to try new things and learn from them. By using the scientific method, we keep improving our understanding and strategies over time, adjusting to new situations and challenges. This way, we can handle tricky situations with creativity and strength.

    Relying only on science can be risky, but it's still a powerful tool for solving humanity's problems. We need a well-rounded approach that considers different viewpoints, ethics, and working together across different fields to find lasting solutions.

解答例②

    Science has been a reliable ally in modern society, offering solutions to some of humanity's most urgent issues. Therefore, I firmly advocate for relying on science to tackle these challenges, supported by three key reasons.

    Firstly, science operates on evidence and empirical data, providing dependable insights into problems and potential solutions. By adhering to the scientific method, we can conduct fact-based analyses to identify effective strategies, enhancing problem-solving efficiency over guesswork or intuition.

    Secondly, science drives innovation and addresses complex problems. Breakthroughs in medicine and sustainable energy exemplify how scientific progress leads to transformative technologies. Embracing these innovations strengthens our capacity to combat issues like climate change, disease, and poverty, offering tangible paths to progress.

    Thirdly, science encourages adaptability and ongoing progress through experimentation and iteration. By continuously refining our understanding and strategies via the scientific method, we can adapt to changing circumstances and emerging challenges. This iterative process enables us to navigate uncertainty and complexity with resilience and creativity.

    While relying solely on science carries risks, it remains a potent tool for addressing humanity's problems. A comprehensive approach integrating diverse perspectives, ethical considerations, and interdisciplinary collaboration is vital for fostering sustainable solutions.

今回の英文は収録されていませんが、対策に過去問をどうぞ。

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